The India Today Group Online
 


December 04, 2000 Issue





COVER
  Test of Faith
As India's most enduring god-man enters his 75th year, his spirituality rests uneasily with controversy.


 
THE NATION
 

Operation Jungle Storm
Karnataka and Tamil Nadu make a renewed bid to catch the outlaw. But unless the Centre helps, it won't be easy.


 
STATES
 

The Big Foul-up
Violent protests against a bid to shift polluting units leaves the Government groping for an alternative.

 
Columns
 

Fifth Column
by Tavleen Singh
Rape of the Law

 
    Kautilya
by Jairam Ramesh
After IT, Time for T


 
    Economic Graffitti
by Kaushik Basu
Soliciting in Public


 
    Right Angle
by Swapan Dasgupta
But We Are So Different

 
    FlipSide
by Dilip Bobb
Word Association
 
Other stories
  Jammu & Kashmir  
  Congress  
  CPR  
  Business  
  Football  
  Cricket  
  Wildlife  
  Healthwatch  
  Temples of Doom  
  Heritage  
  Music  
NewsNotes
 

Power Pull

 
 

Small Mercies
More...

 
   

Hope for Orrisa

 
 



 
  Home  
 

PSUS: TEMPLES OF DOOM

Buying Dear Selling Cheap

Dismantling of the Eastern Bloc and the changes back home have robbed STC of its objective

By Sumit Mitra

Incorporated: 1956; Headquarters: Delhi; Service: Trade and marketing; Employees: 1,628; Wage bill: Rs 46.4 crore; Paid-up capital: Rs 30 crore

If the central PSUs featured so far in these columns have one thing in common, it is their financial distress. Some of them still managed to move into the black due to loan waivers or capitalisation of debt, the objective of such Central munificence being to make the companies attractive to their prospective buyers. Others are just burnt-out cases. However, there is still a category of government enterprises that are posting profits but have lost their relevance. Example: the companies set up to render trading and marketing services. These companies were born with the agenda of regulating trade in certain "sensitive" products, eliminating speculative activity, ensuring availability of essential products and providing support prices to agricultural products of certain cash crops. In short, these are socialist ideals lauded in the decades when these companies were set up.

The star of these "market intervention" agencies is the State Trading Corporation (STC), founded in 1956 primarily to trade with the state-owned export houses of China and East European countries. In those years, most of the global trade outside the western world was transacted among government-owned agencies, like the former USSR's Gyazprom, China's China National Trading Corporation, Iran's GTC and our own STC and Minerals and Metals Trading Corporation (MMTC). In 1956-57, India's total trade (import and export) was worth only Rs 1,449 crore, in which STC's share was no less than 50 per cent. In the mid-1960s, STC and MMTC bagged between them around three-quarters of the country's foreign trade.

Till the 1990s, the concept of trade was different. Most of the items on STC's import list were canalised through the company. And exports were set to pre-ordained targets of volume. The system worked through a labyrinthine bureaucracy which coordinated not with the customer but with its counterpart across the "Iron Curtain". Every transaction was preceded by an elaborate floating of a global tender, though the quoted prices weren't necessarily the best. STC didn't bother about prices though, for the government underwrote the losses in the import of canalised items. There was a similar practice in relation to the "government-account" exports.

"For STC," says S.M. Dewan, its erudite chairman-cum-managing-director, "the trigger for change came with the disintegration of the USSR in 1991." The cluster of organisations having names ending with "proms" in Moscow or the then Leningrad suddenly shut down or began doing different businesses under their new masters. Back in India, trade policy started changing track after the World Trade Organisation-led globalisation. With imports getting increasingly decanalised, thousands of items moved from the "restricted" or banned list of imports into the Open General List. Quantitative restrictions on imports were also lifted. With policy changes being effected across the world, Indian exporters too began finding their customers directly. The mediation of government babus was no longer required. Every private corporation in the country expanded its trade arm-like ITC Global, Tata International, Tata Exports and Birla International. STC's occupation was gone.

Illusory Gains: In the past 10 years, most of STC's shown profits are illusory, with a gradual thinning of its profit margin. Each year, its books cross the thin line between loss and profit not by trading but by making some non-trade gains on the government-account transactions. If the Centre gets STC to buy, say, edible oil for export but has to hold on to the stock in the absence of a foreign buyer, the interest income from the deal will go into the corporation's "other income". There are also regular streams of income from the real estate that STC had acquired in its salad days, including the Jawahar Vyapar Bhavan, its swank 14-storey headquarters designed by architect Raj Rewal in central Delhi. There also is the income from past financial investments. For instance, STC holds US64 papers worth Rs 126 crore, with its dividend contributing to its income. In 1998-99, such assorted "other income" was Rs 112.04 crore. If STC did not have its landlord income to fall back on, and if the government had not made it the beneficiary of its incorrect "market intervention" decisions, the company would have taken a loss of around Rs 100 crore instead of posting a net profit, as it did, of Rs 12.51 crore that year.

Dewan admits that STC is a "gigantic anachronism" in an age in which globalisation and Internet-driven e-commerce have left trade margins wafer thin. It certainly cannot support a workforce of 1,628 people, with a salary bill of Rs 46.40 crore, which is a good 20 per cent of its total expenditure. In the private star trading houses, for that matter, the wage bills are between 3 and 5 per cent of the costs. This realisation drove the Disinvestment Commission to recommend in its ninth report the disinvestment of the entire 91 per cent government holding in STC to a strategic partner. After the Department of Disinvestment passed it on to the Cabinet Committee on Disinvestment, the panel modified it, stating that the government could keep 16 per cent stake, the employees could pick up to 10 per cent in stock options, thereby leaving an entitlement of 74 per cent, including market purchases of the few floating shares, to the strategic partner. However, the Union Ministry of Commerce raised some queries about how the Government could best recover STC's huge reserves of Rs 415.43 crore from the disinvestment. Following this, a committee of joint secretaries has been appointed to re-draw the road map for privatisation.

Will any trading house be interested in STC? Seems doubtful. Corporation insiders say that the cream of the staff have already moved to the private sector, so there are not many trade wizards left there to be pressed into action. The cherries to be picked, however, are the STC properties that may be worth the ransom of several dozen kings. The 20,000 sq m at STC's disposal at its headquarters is shown in the books to be worth Rs 35 crore, but the current value is upwards of Rs 200 crore. There is also the STC/MMTC Colony in south Delhi, valued at Rs 250 crore now, and flats scattered over the posh Asiad Village in Delhi, Mumbai's Malabar Hill and Calcutta's Park Street. That's where STC's value lies. Not in the piles of rice bags or the barrels of edible oil it moves in and out of the country, buying dear and selling cheap.

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COLUMNS  



Orthodoxy in economic thought is as odious as obscurantism in the socio-religious context. INDIA TODAY Associate Editor, V Shankar Aiyar, offers a contrarian take on the stock markets and the cause and the impact of policy and practice. Au ContrAiyar.

 
DESPATCHES  


A study reveals that the use of fertilisers on the west coast of India and their runoff in the Arabian Sea are producing dangerous levels of nitrous oxide or laughing gas. And rising temperature is just one of the effects, warns INDIA TODAY Principal Correspondent Subhadra Menon in
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