Response to Capitalist Approaches

During the late 19th century, insistent demands for commercial relations with Joseon were made by the British, the Russians and other Europeans. The Prussian merchant Ernest J. Oppert in 1866 twice knocked on Korea's door and requested trade, but was refused. In the same year the American ship General Sherman made its incursion into Korean waters with the objective of forcing the Korean government to enter into commercial relations. The vessel reached the Daedonggang river with a cargo of European merchandise and proceeded to Pyongyang, where they used unseemly force in dealing with Korean soldiers and civilians. The infuriated Koreans attacked the ship and set it afire.

The Daewon-gun's massacre of Catholics was a powerful stimulus for France, which had already established beachheads in Indochina, to move aggressively against Korea. Admiral Pierre G. Roze, commander of France's Indochina fleet, led his squadron to waters off Ganghwado island on October 13, 1866 and landed troops on the island. They were repulsed, however, by Korean forces, and the French fleet was forced to withdraw.

From 1868, Japan, as a first step in its aggressive policy toward the peninsula, began pressing Korea to start negotiations aimed at revising traditional relations. From the American standpoint, such a revision also was highly desirable. The General Sherman incident stimulated the United States to intensify its efforts to force Korea to open its ports, and in 1871 Washington directed its Asian fleet to invade Ganghwado island. The American troops were repulsed by the Korean garrison there and their fleet retreated from Korean waters.

When Japan indicated its intention to replace traditional diplomatic relations with a modern commercial treaty, the Daewon-gun expressed a different view. He favored the restoration of the time-honored diplomacy in which the ruling clan of Tsushima island served as an intermediary between the two governments.

Because the Daewon-gun was adamant on the matter, Japanese leaders seized upon the "Korea problem" as an outlet to quell domestic discontent, and made plans for an invasion. Japanese officials stationed in the area were instructed to spy on Korea's domestic situation. Japanese leaders proposed that 30 regiments should be sent to occupy the whole of the peninsula. Korea's natural resources and abundant rice production were important factors in Japan's aggressive designs. In pursuit of their objective, the Japanese fabricated a number of incidents. They sent their warships to raid points on Korea's coast, Busan and Ganghwado island, creating an atmosphere just short of actual war. The Japanese delegation which landed at Gapgot, Ganghwado island on January 16, 1876, was fully equipped for combat, being escorted by 400 troops.

Such was the atmosphere in which a 12-article treaty was concluded, presented unilaterally by the Japanese. An addendum to the treaty, consisting of a trade accord and a customs agreement, all drafted by Japan, was signed in July. These instruments provided a legal basis for Japanese aggression by granting to the Japanese such privileges as extraterritoriality, exemption from customs duties, and legal recognition of Japanese currency in the ports to be opened to foreign trade. Creating a legal pretext for Japanese aggression in Korea, these were unequal treaties, forced upon Korea just as Japan had been coerced years before by European powers and America.

In 1881, the scope of Japanese encroachment was broadened by the opening of Wonsan and Incheon ports. Another demand was that a Japanese consul be stationed in the capital. In the course of these events, there emerged among Koreans two strongly held opinions - one advocating the repulsion of wicked foreign powers, and the other calling for domestic reform.



Arguments for Repulsion

Korea's learned Confucianists, on the basis of information obtained through Qing China, regarded the approach of European capitalist power as a potentially harmful intrusion. They wanted to strengthen their alignment with Neo-Confucian ethics, and grew intolerant of new creeds. Following the closing of many local schools by the Daewon-gun in 1864, the Confucian literati felt a need to restore Neo-Confucian supremacy over all other ideas. The violent incursions into Korean waters by foreign fleets in 1866 contributed to the rise of xenophobia.

These factors stimulated Yi Hang-no (1792-1868) to strongly advocate resistence to European capitalist encroachment. He called for political reform and stability, and the reinforcement of Korea's national defense capability. His conclusion was that Europeanization of the country could be prevented by keeping capitalism out. He proposed the boycotting of all European goods. His disciples and many Confucian scholars and thinkers affiliated with his school also called for the strengthening of national defense.

In 1881, many Confucianists raised objections to the policies of China and Japan. About that time, Baek Nak-gwan proposed that Korea should open up to foreign interests only after it had prepared fully for commercial competition. Some of these Confucianists were punished on charges of opposing state policy. Those Confucianists who advocated the repulsion of foreign influence were primarily oriented toward practical reform measures and not abstract ideas.



Reformists

A Korean "goodwill mission" was invited to Japan in 1876 and 1880, to inspect various new institutions Japan had installed on European models. On his return in 1880, Kim Goeng-jip (later known as Kim Hong-jip) brought to Korea a booklet titled Joseonchaengnyak (Korean Stratagem) written by a Chinese official of the Qing legation in Japan. It advised Korea to accept European institutions and technology for the sake of economic development, and to strengthen its defense capability in collaboration with China, Japan and the United States in order to check Russia's southward expansion.

Once this "stratagem" became known in Korea, Confucian scholars, who in 1876 had advocated the expulsion of Japanese influence, launched a movement strongly opposed to the infiltration of foreign capitalism. The movement soon spread among Confucian students in Gyeongsang-do, Gangwon-do, Gyeonggi-do, Chungcheong-do and Jeolla-do provinces. The government dispatched a group of young aristocrats to Japan in 1881 for a study of administrative, military, educational, industrial and technological institutions. Meanwhile, at the request of Qing China, another group of 60 young Koreans led by Kim Yun-sik visited China, where they studied chiefly the arts of manufacturing and handling Western weapons. This kind of reform attempt arose within the government itself, and the wave soon spread to engulf not only the yangban and middle classes but the society as a whole.



Opposition to Japan

The Japanese minister to Korea, Hanabusa Yoshimoto, forced the Korean government to introduce the Japanese army training system, and a separate training command was established for this purpose to become an effective springboard for aggression. Japan monopolized the Korean market in 1876. Two years later, Japan's Daiichi Bank established a branch office in Busan, encouraging Japanese merchants to infiltrate Korea en masse. The Japanese merchants could purchase rice, soy bean, cattle hides and alluvial gold at incredibly low prices, reaping exorbitant profits at home. Korea, on the other hand, was faced with the pressing need of devising some means of protecting its national economy.

Discriminatory treatment within the armed forces became an inflammatory issue. While the opposition movement was at its height, soldiers undergoing Japanese training in special units were paid and rewarded conspicuously better than the ordinary troops in traditional training. Infuriated by these injustices, the latter rose up in revolt. Giving vent to their anger at the Japanese aggressors, the Korean soldiers assaulted the Japanese legation, forcing the Japanese minister and his party to flee to Incheon at night. State administration once again entrusted itself to the Daewon-gun in the hope that he might be able to remedy the situation.

Queen Min of King Gojong and her clique, having barely escaped the rioting army by fleeing the palace, asked China for a contingent of troops to help suppress the uprising. The Chinese responded by sending four warships and 3,000 troops to Korea. Moreover, they seized the Daewon-gun and took him to Beijing. Minister Hanabusa, who had managed to escape to Japan, returned to Hanyang on August 12, bringing 1,500 troops aboard four warships. Storming into the capital, Hanabusa pressed the Korean government to pay reparations for the damages and to agree to the stationing of Japanese troops in Korea.

In the Jemulpo Treaty, concluded under Japanese coercion, Korea agreed to Japan's demands, which included Korea's promise to pay 500,000 won in reparations and gave permission for the stationing of Japanese troops in the capital ostensibly for the defense of the Japanese legation. The treaty further broadened the scope of Japan's aggressive activities centering around such ports as Busan, Incheon and Wonsan.

Meanwhile, the Chinese continued to interfere in Korea's internal affairs. They reorganized the Korean government system at will, appointing to important posts members of the Min clique who had previously held high positions. China's powerful Li Hung-chang sent his emissaries, P.G. Moellendorff and Ma Chien-chung, to Korea to carry out the task of reorganizing Korea's diplomacy. Yuan Shih-kai of Qing took command of the Korean army, imposing Chinese-style training.

To reinstate Chinese control in Korea, Qing advised Korea to conclude a series of commercial treaties with European powers and America. The Korea-U.S. treaty of commerce was concluded on May 22 and signed on June 6, 1882. Korea signed the commerce and amity treaties with Great Britain and Germany in Hanyang on November 26, 1883. The two new treaties, together with the first international treaty concluded with Japan, were most disadvantageous to Korea. In addition, a treaty of commerce was signed with Russia on June 25, 1884, and was followed on August 8, 1888, by the conclusion of another agreement governing Korean-Russian overland commerce. A treaty of commerce with France was signed on June 4, 1886.

Japan concluded an agreement with Korea governing commercial activities of Japanese residents in Korea. The tax rates fixed in the agreement with Japan were very disadvantageous to Korea. Moellendorff tried to introduce Russian influence into Korea with the purpose of engineering a secret treaty of protection between the two countries. His action, however, precipitated the British occupation of Geomundo island (Port Hamilton) in order to check the Russian advance. Korea was plunged into a whirlpool of international rivalries.

With the British occupation of Geomundo island on April 10, 1885, Korea lost control over one of its best ports on the South Sea. After exacting a pledge from Russia through Li Hung-chang that it would not attempt occupation of any part of Korea, Great Britain withdrew its fleet from the port on February 27, 1887.



Political Upheaval of 1884

The conclusion of a series of commercial treaties between Joseon and foreign countries intensified the encroachment of capitalist powers. A group of reformists denounced the leading politicians for their reliance on foreign influence and tried to introduce reforms that would improve social conditions, enrich the people and strengthen national power. The main concern of Kim Ok-gyun (1851-1894) and Hong Yeong-sik (1855-1884) was to set modern reform in motion. In 1884, Japanese Minister to Korea Takezoe Shinichiro discussed with these reformists plans for a coup d'etat. Although China had withdrawn part of its expeditionary forces from Korea, the Chinese maintained far superior military strength over the Japanese.

The reformists planned the assassination of prominent politicians affiliated with China at a reception to be given on December 4, but the plot was not fully carried out. The reformists first called on King Gojong (r.1863-1907) at the royal palace and pressed for his sanction of their reform plan. On December 5, they assassinated military commanders and ministers but the reformists were forced to flee without proclaiming their comprehensive 14-point Reform Decree in the face of effective resistance from the conservatives. Kim Ok-gyun and Seo Jae-pil (1866-1951) escaped to Incheon, where they boarded a Japanese ship for asylum in Japan.

Japan settled pending problems with China by concluding the Tianjin Treaty, in which the two sides agreed to: (a) pull their expeditionary forces out of Korea simultaneously; (b) not send military instructors for the training of the Korean army; and (c) notify the other side beforehand should one decide to send troops to Korea. However, Yuan Shih-kai remained in Seoul interfering in Korea's internal affairs, while Japan, not to be outdone, was ready to pounce upon any suitable opportunity for invasion.

Japan had already consolidated its bases of economic aggression on the peninsula. The Japanese looked to Korea's agricultural production to meet domestic demands for rice and soy beans, which was soaring commensurately with Japan's population growth. The Japanese collected Korean rice, which was superior in quality to Japanese rice, in exchange for usurious funds they released to Korean peasants. Through branch offices in Incheon, Japan also made bargain purchases of cowhide for military use, as well as Korean gold which was used as a reserve fund for the Bank of Japan.

Japanese exports to Korea consisted, in the initial period, mainly of the resale of European, especially English, and American commodities. Japan later kept these European commodities for home consumption, gradually replacing export goods with Japanese products of low quality, mostly sundry merchandise for daily use.

There developed a great outflow of grain which eventually devastated the life of the Korean peasants. In 1889 and 1891, when the farmers of Hamgyeong-do and Hwanghae-do provinces suffered crop failure, the Japanese government exacted exorbitant indemnities for losses allegedly suffered by Japanese merchants. Consequently, most farmers were impoverished, and their indignation was directed at Korea's ruling class responsible for their plight. The only recourse was to revolt, and during the period of 1884-1894, farmers' disturbances broke out repeatedly in all provinces.



Donghak Struggle of 1894

Donghak, or Eastern Learning, was a doctrine that offered salvation for farmers from their destitute lives. Although its preaching had a religious aspect, the main concern was to realize national stability and security. Seeing that Donghak teaching was gaining in popularity, the government executed Choe Je-u in 1864 on charges of treason. His movement lived on, however, and poverty-stricken farmers clung to his teachings. Large-scale Donghak demonstrations took place in 1892 in Jeolla-do and Chungcheong-do provinces. In 1893, Donghak believers went to Hanyang and staged a demonstration in front of the royal palace, but were dispersed by the army. About 20,000 Donghak movement followers assembled at Boeun, Chungcheong-do province, and proclaimed their determination to reject the Japanese and Europeans. In 1894, Jeon Bong-jun (1854-1895) assumed leadership of the Donghak movement in a county in Jeolla-do province, where cruel exploitation of the already hard-pressed farmers was reaching its extreme after the construction of a new reservoir.

Their peaceful protests having proven fruitless, the farmers resorted to violence. The government countered with draconian measures, and an inspector sent from Hanyang ordered wholesale executions. Jeon led a larger uprising and defeated the government army occupying the provincial capital of Jeonju. There they agreed to a cease-fire and submitted a comprehensive reform plan. Unfortunately, however, the royal court, dominated by the Min family, decided to request Chinese intervention. Chinese forces, 2,000 strong, landed at Asan beginning June 8 and took Gongju, while government troops recaptured Jeonju on June 11, and the peasant army dispersed. Japan landed 400 marines on June 10 and a mixed brigade on June 16; Japanese forces soon entered Hanyang and the two powers entered war on the Korean peninsula.

The Japanese army defeated Chinese troops and then turned its attention to the Donghak fighters. The Donghak movement, facing combined government and Japanese troops, was dealt a crushing blow at Taein, Jeolla-do province. Jeon Bong-jun was captured alive and beheaded in the capital. Countless Donghak troops and farmers were captured and massacred by the Japanese.



Reform Attempts

The unsuccessful 1884 coup d'etat brought frustration to the reform efforts, but the need for reform still was keenly felt by the populace and some leaders of the government as well. The disintegration of the traditional social order was accelerated by the peasant struggle. Such developments led Korea to implement institutional reform.

The conservative government had been compelled to accept the administrative reform proposals submitted by the Donghak rebels at the time of the cease-fire in Jeonju in 1894. This peasant struggle was utilized by the Japanese army as a pretense for its aggressive aims. Then, in the course of the Sino-Japanese War, Japan forced Korea to carry out reform by armed threat, while expelling the China-leaning conservative politicians from the government. The peace treaty ending the Sino-Japanese War was concluded on April 17, 1895, at Shimonoseki, Japan. China's influence waned, and the Korean government was forcibly integrated into Japan's imperialistic designs.

On July 27, 1894, a Supreme Council for Military and State Administration was established to function as the nation's highest executive and legislative organ. On July 29, it passed a 23-article reform plan, but this was not by any means autonomous, as it faithfully followed the aggressive intent of Japan.

The Supreme Council passed no less than 208 reform measures. These included: the use of the founding of the ancient Joseon Dynasty as a basis for the calendar; disciplinary action against corrupt officials; the liberalization of commercial activities; the establishment of a new currency system on the silver standard; unity in financial administration under the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Finance; the standardization of weights and measures; acceptance of cash payment for all taxes; the establishment of joint stock companies; the separation of judicial power in accordance with the law of court reorganization; and the unification of police power. In spite of these measures, the reform could hardly be called substantial. On December 17, the Kim Hong-jip cabinet was excluded from political circles and the Supreme Council was closed.

The new cabinet attempted reform on the basis of the 14-article Great Plan in an abbreviated version of those reform measures. The plan aimed at the following: national autonomy and independence; the separation of the royal court and the government; the introduction of a budget system for national revenue and expenditure under the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Finance; the observance of the statutory rates in collecting taxes; the education of military officers; the establishment of a military system on the basis of universal conscription; the reform of the local government system; the protection of civil life and property; the enactment of civil and criminal codes; the employment of competent persons at government offices; and the provision of opportunities for talented young men to pursue advanced studies abroad to acquire modern knowledge and techniques.



Intensified Japanese Aggression

As Japanese encroachment intensified, the Min clique collaborated with Russian Minister Karl Waeber to force Kim Hong-jip to reorganize his cabinet, and pro-Russian figures such as Yi Beom-jin were given cabinet posts.

The government, reorganizing the military structure in April 1895, hired Japanese officers as instructors. They trained about 800 Korean officers and men who were then assigned to the royal palace as guards. The Japanese mission chief in Seoul and his collaborators conspired to assassinate Queen Min, the leading figure in the Min clique, as she was again making secret overtures to China and Russia. Japanese troops, crushing resistance put up by the royal bodyguards, intruded into Gyeong-bokgung palace at dawn on October 8, killed Queen Min, and burned her body with kerosene. The foreign missions were outraged by this atrocity. The Japanese government hurriedly repatriated those who had taken part in the action and detained them briefly at Hiroshima Prison as a subterfuge. Their trial, to borrow the words of a Japanese historian Yamabe Kentaro, was "a deliberate miscarriage of justice, designed to protect the culprits."

Despite the Japanese brutality, the European powers, in their apprehension over Russia's southward expansion, did not try to deter the overt Japanese aggression. Germany saw the continued presence of the Japanese army in Korea as indispensable, while other powers maintained that a demand for its withdrawal would only invite more trouble. Great Britain believed Japanese control of Korea was needed to check the Russian advance. The American government instructed its minister not to make any statement unfavorable to Japan.

Informed of the assassination of Queen Min, the nation was gripped with indignation. Confucian scholars mobilized volunteers to fight against the Japanese but their meager strength had little impact on the Japanese aggressive scheme. In the midst of the turbulence, the Kim Hong-jip cabinet expedited reform. It adopted the solar calendar, established primary schools in Hanyang (Seoul), introduced smallpox vaccinations, started modern postal service, and reorganized the military system, with the Royal Army Guards stationed in Hanyang and other detachments in the provinces. During this reform, the Japanese forced the cabinet to issue a decree banning topknots. Citizens wearing topknots were arrested on the streets or at their homes, and were forced to cut them off.

Spontaneous "righteous troops" resisting the Japanese domination of Korea spread all over the country. The Royal Guards of Hanyang were dispatched to suppress them. The resultant weakening of palace security was seen by Russia as an opportunity to extend its influence. From a Russian warship lying at anchor off Incheon, 100 sailors were summoned, ostensibly to protect the Russian legation. Shortly afterward, they were reinforced by an additional contingent of 120 sailors. Ex-minister Waeber, remaining in Seoul, plotted to persuade King Gojong to take refuge at the Russian legation. At dawn on February 11, 1896, King Gojong and the Crown Prince went to the Russian legation to escape the Japanese menace, and were protected by guards provided by other legations as well. Japanese Minister Komura called on Russian Minister Speyer at the Russian legation and requested that the King return to the royal palace, but King Gojong refused, knowing that he had chosen the lesser of two evils.

At the same time the Korean government, following a proposal made by the Russian minister, appointed Russians as advisors for military training and financial administration. In May, a Korean delegation led by Min Yeong-hwan and Yun Chi-ho concluded a treaty in Russia with Foreign Minister Lobanoff, agreeing to the following: Russia would protect the Korean monarch and, if necessary, would send additional troops to Korea; the Russian advisors would be subject to the guidance of the Russian minister; the two governments would enter into a loan agreement when deemed necessary in view of Korea's economic conditions; and the Russian government would be authorized to connect its telegraph lines with the Korean telegraph network. With the Korean King in custody, Russia lost no time in implementing the aggressive provisions of the treaty.

In the meantime, the United States, Great Britain, France, Germany and Japan competed to win concessions from the weakened government of Korea. From its Russian refuge, the Korean government granted unconditional concessions without the usual stipulations as to the terms of lease or conditions of taxes. Korea was deprived of its property by world powers through such concessions.



Awakening of the People

Seo Jae-pil (Philip Jaisohn) proceeded in 1884 from asylum in Japan to America where he studied medicine. On his return to Korea in 1896, he resumed leadership of the nation's modern reform program. Appointed as a consultant to the Privy Council, Seo was able to broaden his contacts with prominent government leaders. Obtaining a donation of 5,000 won from Home Minister Yu Gil-jun, he inaugurated the newspaper Dongnip Sinmun (The Independent) on April 7, 1896. Published in pure Han-geul (the Korean script) and in English, the journal was well received by the public.

Aimed at conveying both domestic and foreign news to the Korean people, the newspaper argued both for and against government policies in an impartial manner. It called for the nation's all-out effort to strengthen its autonomy and promote the public good. It reflected the needs of the time when the Korean government was being shaken to its foundations by the aggressive policies of Japan and Russia. Seo demanded that the government give top priority to the promotion of civil rights, and that it safeguard national sovereignty by resisting the growth of foreign influence. The publisher also did his utmost to introduce to his readers modern science and ideology of the Western world.

The Dongnip Sinmun grew rapidly, from an initial circulation of 300 to 3,000. In his tireless efforts to enlighten the masses, Seo also availed himself of every opportunity to address the people on the streets on current topics. His newspaper awakened the citizenry to the urgent needs of the day: eliminating corruption, expanding education, solidifying national sovereignty and promoting civil rights.

The Independence Club, which Seo helped to found, was formally activated in July 1896, with Minister of War An Gyeong-su as president and Foreign Minister Yi Wan-yong as chairman. Prominent government and civic personages who had led the country in modern reform and in the struggle for independence were counted among its members, as well as a number of important government leaders. The Crown Prince, as a token of cooperation, made a donation of 1,000 won to the club, arousing great interest among people throughout the country.

Seo Jae-pil did his best to awaken the public to the need for modernization. He called for, as vital steps toward national development, mass education, road construction, commerce promoting national wealth, women's education, the promotion of Han-geul for mass education, currency for domestic transactions, wide circulation of both domestic and foreign newspapers, exploitation of mining resources and the establishment of a congress.

Voicing his strong opposition to the government's delegation of its financial and military authority to Russia, Seo asked the government to reject Russia's demand for the concession of Jeoryeongdo (present Yeongdo) island off Busan, and for the establishment of a Korean-Russian Bank. Speaking at a mass rally in the heart of Seoul, Seo called on the government to dismiss the Russian military and financial consultants. Syngman Rhee and other speakers who took the rostrum at the same rally also drew enthusiastic applause from the audience by pointing out the absurdity of entrusting the financial and military authority of Korea to another country.

The Independence Club frequently presented to the government opinions concerning the reform of domestic administration and did not hesitate to register opposition. Its demands for the dismissal of ranking government officials guilty of irregularities and fraud were put in effect. The club also conducted an investigation of the government's concession of rights in lumber, mining and railway construction to foreign powers, and filed a protest with the government to correct abuses. The government thereupon imprisoned leading members of the club and by an imperial edict ordered its dissolution. The club, albeit short-lived, bequeathed its spirit of independence to subsequent national movements.

The people were united in condemning the king's flight to a foreign legation and the continuous granting of economic concessions to foreigners and their outrage coalesced in the Independence Club's campaign. As a result, Gojong moved out of the Russian legation to Gyeong-un-gung (today's Deoksugung) palace in February 1897, and changed his reign name to Gwangmu (Martial Brilliance) in August. He proclaimed to the nation and the world the establishment of an independent "Daehan (Great Han) Empire" in October, after which he was called by the title "Emperor." This was a significant development under the pressure of Korean public opinion.



Russia-Japan Rivalry

Under the Russo-Japanese Treaty III, concluded on April 25, 1899, between Japanese Foreign Minister Nishi and Russia's Minister to Japan, Rosen, Russia gave Japan a virtually free hand to conduct aggressive operations in Korea. On condition that Japan tacitly consent to Russia's 25-year lease of Port Arthur as a naval base and Dalian as a commercial port, Russia agreed in the pact not to hamper Japanese commercial and industrial activities in Korea.

As an antiforeign movement erupted in Manchuria in the wake of the Boxer Rebellion, Russia threw a huge army of 180,000 troops into the area on the pretext of guarding its railways. Three-fourths of the Manchurian territory came under occupation by the Russians, where they watched for an opportunity to invade Korea.

A proposal for invasion was made to the Russian government in 1903 by the manager of a Russian lumber company operating on the Amnokgang (Yalu) river, a company owned by the imperial Russian foundation. A Russian diplomatic report also proposed that Russia establish a sphere of influence south of the river and reject any interference by other powers in Manchuria. Accordingly, Russia assembled its fleet in Port Arthur and deployed ground forces in Fenghuang-ch'eng and along the Amnokgang river. In August 1903, Russia occupied Yong-ampo and hastily constructed military facilities, including fortresses, barracks and communication lines.

Through the Anglo-Japanese treaty of alliance in 1902, Japan, with the cooperation of Great Britain, obtained international recognition for its aggressive policy toward Korea. This treaty provided that in return for British support, Japan would assume the burden of checking the Russian southward advance in the Far East.

Now, Russia and Japan stood face to face, each attempting to occupy both sides of the Amnokgang river as a preliminary step toward the occupation of both Korea and Manchuria. On February 8, 1904, Japan opened fire on the Russian fleets off Incheon and Port Arthur, thereby touching off the Russo-Japanese War (1904-1905).



Colonial Consolidation

At the outbreak of the Russo-Japanese War, Korea proclaimed its neutrality. Nevertheless, Japan sent large numbers of troops into Seoul and, on February 23, 1904, forced the Korean government to sign the Korea-Japan Protocol. This unilaterally exacted Korean concessions necessary for Japan's execution of the war. Japan stationed six and a half battalions in Korea, which laid military railways, seized Korean telegraphic and telephone networks by occupying the Central Telecommunications Office, and commandeered land for military use. In September, Japan proclaimed military control over the whole territory of Korea, decreeing the death penalty for any Korean national caught trespassing on a military communications line.

By a revision of the military decree of January 6, 1905, Japan banned any anti-Japanese statements through assembly, associations, or the press, proclaiming on July 3 that those violating the military rule would be dealt with under Japanese law. In the first Korea-Japan Treaty concluded on August 22, 1904, it was stipulated that a financial consultant would be appointed from among the Japanese and a diplomatic consultant from among nationals of third powers recommended by the Japanese government. This provision was designed to deprive Korea of its national sovereignty short of total annexation.

The agreement was reinforced by the "Principles Concerning Facilities in Korea" which granted extensive privileges to Japan. These included the stationing of troops in Korea even after the Russo-Japanese War, the expropriation of land for military use, supervision of Korea's diplomacy and financial administration, seizure of Korea's transportation and communications facilities, and exploitation of concessions in agriculture, forestry, mining and fisheries.

Japan sent as diplomatic consultant an ex-official of its foreign office, an American named Stevens, and as financial consultant, Megata Tanetaro, an official of its Ministry of Finance. The latter assumed full authority over Korea's financial administration, and under the pretext of currency reform, brought the Korean currency under the Japanese monetary system, devaluating it by one-fifth to one half. Japanese officials further penetrated the Korean government to work in the Ministry of War, the Police, and the Ministry of Education, and in the Royal Household as consultants, thereby undermining the government's authority.

The Russo-Japanese war ended in Japan's victory. During the war, Japan and Great Britain revised the Anglo-Japanese Treaty of Alliance on August 12, 1905, and Japan obtained British consent to colonize Korea under the guise of protection. In the secret Taft-Katsura agreement, Japan and the United States recognized Japan's hegemony in Korea. At the Portsmouth Peace Conference, which was concluded in September 1905, Japan requested that "Korea be placed at Japan's free disposal" in accordance with the second Anglo-Japanese Treaty of Alliance and the U.S.-Japanese agreement.

The United States, Great Britain and Russia at last gave international acquiescence to Japanese aggression in Korea. Recognizing that Japan possessed superior political, military and economic interests in Korea, the U.S. president rejected Emperor Gojong's personal letter denying the effect of the Korea-Japan Treaty presented through the efforts of missionary-diplomat Homer B. Hulbert.

Immediately after the Portsmouth Treaty went into effect, Japan sent Ito Hirobumi to Korea. By that time Seoul had already been invaded by a Japanese cavalry unit, an artillery battalion and a military police unit. On November 17, Ito pressed the Korean government to sign the draft of the second Korea-Japan Treaty which isolated the Korean government by severing its foreign relations completely. Diplomacy was then taken from Korean control and placed under the control of the Japanese Foreign Office. The treaty also established the Office of the Resident-General in Korea to enforce Japan's rule of Korea as its protectorate.